A DREAM BETRAYED
By Janice McLaughlin
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March
17, 2002
I feel as if I’m watching
history repeat itself. The actors are different but the script is the same.
Twenty-five years ago, Ian Smith, then Prime Minister of Southern Rhodesia,
declared that he would never allow the black majority to rule: “Not in a
thousand years.” “Not in my lifetime.”
In 2002, Prime Minister
Robert Mugabe made virtually the same statement
regarding the strongest opposition that he has faced since he first came to
power in April 1980. “We will never allow the MDC to rule,” he declared,
claiming that the Movement for Democratic Change, a new political party
launched in 2000 from a coalition of trade unionists, intellectuals, youth and
business people, was a puppet of former colonial interests that would indirectly
reinstate white minority rule.
Both used similar tactics
against the opposition - violence, smear campaigns, arrest, detention and even
death. The presidential elections held the 9th and 10th of March gave Mugabe 56% of the votes cast and another six years in
office. Few observer missions certified these elections as free and fair. “From
our experience on the ground, we cannot accept the legitimacy of the electoral
process and therefore its outcome cannot be free and fair,” declared the
Churches in Manicaland, an ecumenical group
encompassing all Christian churches in Eastern Zimbabwe. “The electoral process ignored the basic
minimum electoral norms and standards
compiled and accepted by the SADC (Southern Africa Development Community) countries,”, it said, citing the
abduction of polling agents, beating,
harassment and detention of polling agents and those supporting the opposition candidate, and the lack of
security for ballots. The statement called for “rejecting the culture of lies
and hypocrisy, intimidation and violence that has flourished in recent times
and the promotion of honesty, truth and self-sacrifice within private and
public institutions.”
In spite of the almost
universal condemnation of the presidential poll where thousands of urban voters
were denied the vote by reducing the number of polling stations and by changing
the electoral laws, Mr. Mugabe was sworn into office
on 17 March, verbally attacking all those who voted against him and vowing to
send away all those who are opposed to his rule. Like his predecessor, Ian Smith, he seems not
to care what becomes of the country and its people. Already many nations have
imposed sanctions and hunger is looming. Zimbabwe may soon be as isolated as
was Rhodesia after Smith made his
infamous unilateral declaration of independence (UDI) from Britain in 1965. In response, the
United Nations imposed sanctions on the rebel nation and nationalist guerrillas
launched a liberation war that took the lives of an estimated 80 thousand people
until peace was negotiated at an all party conference convened by Britain in 1979.
One hundred and ten people
have been murdered in political violence over the past two years. One of the
victims was Takatukwa Mupawaenda,
the cousin of Maryknoll Sister Claris Zvareva, who works in the Institute of Bio-ethics at the Catholic University
of Bolivia in Cochabamba. She was visiting her
family in the rural areas when her 70 year old cousin was dragged from his home
early in the morning to a nearby field where he was beaten to death. “Every rib
in his body was crushed,” reported Claris’s brother,
Jacob. According to newspaper accounts: “He was accused of
mobilizing chiefs, headmen and other traditional leaders against President Mugabe in next month’s presidential poll. Mupawaenda was attached by more than 30 ZANU PF supporters
in his home…. They used sticks and sharp instruments to kill him.” The irony is
that Mupawaenda was a respected religious leader in
the area and had given Mugabe’s guerrillas spiritual guidance
during the liberation war.
Like many others, he had
become disillusioned after twenty years of Mugabe’s
rule. “We had such high hopes after Independence,” recalls Mrs. Agnes Mapfumo, a
youth trainer at Silveira House, a
leadership-training center on the outskirts of Harare where I work. Mrs. Mapfumo knows Robert Mugabe
personally as well as two of his sisters who used to work at the Center. “Our
lives improved at first,” she says. “The first ten years after independence saw
enormous gains being made in health and education. Rural development was also a
priority of the new government. Irrigation schemes were built, loans were made
to small-scale farmers and new markets were opened for their products. We were
happy and felt that the sacrifices we had made during the war had not been in
vain.” Now she is one of those calling for change.
Chaz Maviyane-Davies
is another outspoken advocate for change. Zimbabwe’s leading graphic artist, Chaz has won numerous international artistic awards. But he
is proudest of the work that he has done at home to overcome voter apathy. Both
in the 2000 parliamentary elections and the 2002 presidential elections, Chaz produced one poster each day for a month that visually
reminded viewers of the importance of their vote. Powerful graphic commentaries
on the problems in the country, these “Portals of Truth”, as he called his
latest series, have appeared in the media both nationally and abroad. His
courageous expressions have not earned him applause in the ruling circles and
he was deliberately bypassed in recent government awards to Zimbabwe’s leading artists.
I met Chaz
shortly after Independence when he was just starting
his own studio. Although he needed new clients to survive, he always
volunteered his work free of charge to non-governmental groups like those for
whom I worked. Recently he designed the cover of “Tusimpi”,
a book of Tonga proverbs that grew out of
an advocacy program that I am promoting among one of the most disadvantaged
groups in the country. The Ttonga people are calling
for the preservation of their language and culture. Chaz
used some of the proverbs from the book in his “Portals of Truth.”
People ask me how I feel
personally when the former liberators, who I once supported, are now the
oppressors. “Did we make a mistake?,” a friend in the
anti-apartheid friend recently asked me. “I would do it all over again,” I
replied. “I supported what they stood for in the 70s. I cannot support what
they stand for now.” As a result, I am involved in groups that help to expose
what is happening in present-day Zimbabwe such as Amani Trust, an organization that provides medical, legal
and counseling services to the victims of violence. Amani
is a founder member of the Human Rights Forum that brings together nine of Zimbabwe’s leading justice and
peace groups to document violations of human rights. The Forum has produced
some of the most thorough and well researched information about Zimbabwe’s descent into lawlessness
and anarchy.
In 1977, as press secretary
for the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace in Rhodesia, I compiled similar
reports about the atrocities committed by the Smith regime. I am proud to be
supporting a new generation of prophets who are exposing present-day
atrocities. I do not believe that isolation will change Zimbabwe, any more than it changed
racist Rhodesia. Sanctions may make it more difficult for Mugabe’s government to do business as usual but they will
also cripple those working for change. Rather I would call on the international
community to support the courageous civic groups, organizations and
individuals, like Chaz Maviyane,
Amani Trust and Silveira House, that are working peacefully to bring change.
Janice McLaughlin, MM, is the leadership development coordinator at Silveira House, a Jesuit training center that offers civic
education and advocacy, conflict resolution and mediation, sustainable
agriculture, community-based AIDS education and practical skills training. She
is also on the board of Amani Trust and the African
Forum for Catholic Social Teaching.
A version of this article will appear in Maryknoll
magazine. Thanks to Maryknoll
for permission to post this article.